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For the Caribbean, relations with the US and China is not one or the other

By Sir Ronald Sanders

On October 12, more than a dozen representatives in the US Congress sent a letter to the US Trade Representative, Katherine Tai, asking for immediate attention to what they describe as “the growing influence of the Chinese Communist Party in both Latin America and the Caribbean trade and economic development”.

The US Congresspersons have come to this realization years after Caribbean representatives in Washington – me included – have been saying to successive US Governments and Congress that the US has been absent as a meaningful contributor to the Caribbean development for almost two decades.

The vacuum that the US left has been filled by the Peoples Republic of China, and it would be unreasonable for the US government or Congress to expect Caribbean countries to defer or delay their urgent development needs, waiting for the US to refocus its attention on the region.

Further, the terms of China’s loans to many Caribbean nations have been far more concessionary even than World Bank and IMF loans to lower and lower-middle-income countries, and China does not use per capita income as a criterion for disqualifying high income but vulnerable and underdeveloped Caribbean countries, from eligibility for loans and grants.

US Congresspersons and US government policymakers should take these realities into account when they say, as they did to the US Trade Representative, “Economic prosperity and solidified trading relationships is slowing, becoming a matter of national security.”

Caribbean countries do not regard the loans and other economic arrangements they have with China as a threat to US national security, and no member state of CARICOM has put any policies or programmes in place that affect US national security. Indeed, CARICOM countries have remained faithful to importing goods and services from the US, even though US assistance and investment in the sub-region has steadily declined.

Here are a few facts of which the 13 US Congresspersons, who signed the 12 October letter, appear to be unaware. First, with the exception of Haiti (which for the US is a special case), the 14-nation independent states of the Caribbean Community have been at the bottom of US official development assistance for decades. In 2019, for instance, total US foreign assistance globally was US$47 billion, of which all CARICOM countries received US$338 million or 0.7 percent. For emphasis, that is less than 1 percent of the global total. Haiti alone received  US$268 million of that US$338 million delivered to all 14 CARICOM states, leaving the other 13 to share US$70 million only. For 9 of the 13 countries, the sum provided did not amount to US$1 million.

On trade, the US remained the dominant trading partner of CARICOM states, enjoying a trade surplus of US$6.5 billion. So, while it is factual that trade between Caribbean countries and China has increased in recent years, no trade in goods with the US was displaced, and certainly no trade in services. And, on foreign assistance to the region, if China is now delivering more to the Caribbean than the US, it should hardly be a matter of complaint by the US.

Among the references made about China is that its representatives use sharp practices in negotiating contracts with Caribbean countries which could lead to seizure of vital infrastructure should defaults occur on repayment of loans. These references suggest that representatives of Caribbean countries lack the skill to negotiate contracts that are in their interest – an assertion most CARICOM governments would reject. It also suggests that CARICOM countries have not encountered similar practices from other countries that have led to uneven contracts – the Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Union collectively and each CARICOM country individually being a case in point.

What US policymakers should regard as undeniable is that China is giving more scholarships to Caribbean students to upgrade their knowledge and capacity than the US. In fact, the US poaches Caribbean doctors, nurses and teachers – trained at great expense by Caribbean taxpayers. In the end, if the US continues this practice, they will have only themselves to blame if the Caribbean professionals and influencers of the future know China better than the US.

To be sure, the 13 Congresspersons who wrote to the USTR were more concerned about China’s relationship with the bigger countries of Latin American than they were about the Caribbean.

The Caribbean is usually a forgotten appendage to Latin America among most US policy influencers, including its think tanks. It is that concern about loss of trade benefits and influence over Latin American markets that caused them to say: “We believe that it is of the highest priority for the US to keep its relationships strong with our neighbours in the Western Hemisphere. Before long, China will be significantly positioned to completely dominate Western Hemisphere economics, as China is already the top trading partner for practically all of Asia, Oceania, Eastern Europe, Africa and, as stated, most of South America.”

If China comes to dominate Western Hemispheric economics, it will be because of a long period of US neglect and the slow process to recognising that the US must re-engage Latin America and the Caribbean in genuine cooperation and not with one-sided strategies that are long on words, but short on allocation and delivery of funds.

In any event, Latin American and Caribbean countries, concerned about improving their economies and advancing the social and economic conditions of their peoples, do not subscribe to a rivalry between China and the US in their region and hemisphere. They would all declare that there is ample room for economic and other forms of mutually beneficial cooperation with both China and the US.


Tribute to Sir Lester Bird- former Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda

On 25th August 2021, the day before his State Funeral in Antigua, the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States (OAS) paid tribute to Sir Lester Bird, the former Prime Minister of Antigua ans Barbuda.    I led the tributes to a man with whom I had colloborated throughout his years as a Minister (1976-1994) Prime Miniister (1994-2004) and in Opposition (2004-2014)  The You Tube link to the tribute is

Tribute to Sir Lester Bird - YouTube





Photo history: Lester Bird and Ronald Sanders

 Lester Bird and Ron Sanders 1977


:Ron Sanders, Vere Bird Jr, Llloydstone Jacobs, Hugh Marchall Snr, Lester Bird, Antigua and Barbuda Admission to the UN, Novermber 1981

At a CARICOM Heads of Government Meering, Lester Bird, Ron Sabders, Robin Yearwood


Lester Bird, Ron Sanders, Colin Murdoch

Prime Minister Lester Bird, Sir Ron Sanders at Caribbean Financial Action Task Force Meeting 2003

New Lectures

Sir Ronald Sanders was invited by the Reparations Committee in Antigua and Barbuda to deliver the fearture address on July 31st, 2021 at its "Watchnight" on the eve of the anniversary of slavery in the British West Indies in 1834.   He was asked to focus of Haiti historiically and now.
Watchnight for Slavery should be every night
Statement by Sir Ronald Sanders
Ambassador of Antigua and Barbuda
 to the United States of America and the Organization of American States
at “The Watchnight Gathering” on July 31st 2021
I am honoured to have been asked by the Reparations Support Commission to participate in this Watchnight gathering, and to do so with particular emphasis on the Historical and contemporary experience of Haiti.
Rebellions by the enslaved in the Caribbean were not unique to Haiti, nor was the desire to overthrow those who held them in captivity and to take control of the country an especial feature of slaves in Haiti.
Throughout the Caribbean and the Guianas, for two centuries, the African enslaved fought and died for the thing most precious to all mankind – freedom.
In Antigua, as early as 1680, slaves were rebelling for their freedom, many establishing a haven in the as yet uncleared interior in the Southern Hills, or, as they were called, “The Shekerley Mountains”. Seven years later in 1687, the Legislature acknowledged that the slaves were hatching a plot to revolt, having attracted many more who fled for their freedom.  On March 7th of that year, investigators appointed by the Governor and the legislature, reported that some of the fugitives in the maroon camp were armed with guns and planned to make themselves “masters of the country”. 
For the next two centuries in the Guianas and the Caribbean, there were uprisings by the enslaved, determined to win their freedom and to assume control of the countries in which they lived.
Many almost succeeded.  The Rebellion of 1763 in what was then Dutch controlled Berbice and is now part of Guyana, is a case in point.  Guyana’s first national hero – Cuffy and his band of followers – were determined to govern their own affairs.   
Twenty-seven years earlier in 1736, on Antigua, a slave called Court – later named Prince Klaas -  and his partners, principally another slave named Tomboy, planned a general uprising for the night of October 11th when an annual ball commemorating the coronation of King George 11 was planned to be held in St John’s. 
The plan was foiled, and eventually 88 slaves were executed, among them Court – now Antigua’s first national hero – and Tomboy.
Five of them were broken at the wheel; six gibbeted and 77 burned alive.
The enslaved who plotted and rebelled – plotted and rebelled for their freedom; achieving  that freedom meant taking control of the country and removing from their necks the yolk of oppression that they had been made to endure for centuries. 
They gave their lives for that freedom.
It is in Haiti that slave rebellion succeeded where everywhere else in the Caribbean and the Guianas, the uprisings of others had failed.
From August 21st, 1791, and for 16 months thereafter, the enslaved on Haiti – then called San Domingo - waged war on their French oppressors, issuing a Constitution on January 1st, 1801, declaring themselves self-governing.
Toussaint Louverture, a former slave coachman turned victorious general, told the Directorate of France:
“Do the planters think that men who have been able to enjoy the blessing of liberty will calmly see it snatched away? But no, the same hand which has broken our chains will not enslave us anew.”
And he added with fearsome determination:
“We have known how to how to face dangers to obtain our liberty, we shall know how to brave death to maintain it”.
All of this was to come to pass.
Napoleon Bonaparte, then self-styled Emperor of France, with great ambition to restore a global French Empire, and incensed by the gumption of black people to declare slavery abolished for all time and pronounce themselves self-governing, despatched a formidable expedition to depose Toussaint, disarm the former enslaved and restore slavery.
In the course of the invasion, Toussaint was captured by treachery and was forced onto a warship,  in appalling conditions, to be taken to the Alps in France where he was made to endure the unaccustomed bitter cold of winter in semi-starvation. 
He was found dead In April 1803, his toes eaten off by rats.
But, on the way to France, held in chains aboard the French warship, Toussaint issued a prophecy that haunted France and mobilised his fellow free people on San Domingo.
“In overthrowing me”, he said, “you have cut down in San Domingo only the trunk of the tree of liberty.  It will spring up again by the roots for they are numerous and deep”.
His successors Dessalines and Christophe continued the bitter and deadly struggle to keep alive that tree of liberty.  In that struggle, fifty thousand Frenchmen perished in San Domingo and the French troops were expelled.
On January 1st, 1804, at the very spot on which Toussaint was treacherously captured, Dessalines read out the declaration of independence of the new Republic, and Haiti was born, giving to enslaved black people everywhere the prospect of their own freedom and reigniting a fire of resolve in the bellies of the enslaved.
Haitians created a black Caribbean identity and a black state that claimed a place among the free nations of the world, inspiring enslaved and colonised people the world over.
That is the debt that the peoples of the Caribbean owe to Haiti and to the men and women for whom freedom was worth every pain, including their own death however terrible the circumstances of it.
In the words of Thomas Jefferson, one of the drafters of the American Declaration of Independence who became President in 1801, Haiti had established an “unstoppable wave”, sweeping the globe.
Haitians brought more than the abolition of slavery into the world, they brought, for the first time, the reality that the oppressed in a country could successfully overthrow their oppressors and be free.
As the West Indian writer and philosopher CLR James observed:
“When Latin Americans saw that little insignificant Haiti could win and keep independence, they began to think that they ought to be able to do the same”.
It should never be forgotten that, in December of 1816, it was Haiti that gave Simon Bolivar refuge from the Spanish after his early failed efforts to liberate Venezuela. It was with Haitian money, arms and 300 Haitian soldiers that Bolivar set out on his campaign that ended in the freedom from Spain of Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, Chile, and Bolivia.
Apart from giving their lives, the price that Haiti and the Haitians would pay for their freedom was huge and prolonged.
The black republic was an affront to the European nations – a living symbol of their failure to keep black people enslaved for the development and consolidation of European power, and, as they saw it, their superiority in racial and other terms.  The European nations isolated Haiti, and significantly, so too did the United States which only 28 years before Haiti had fought and won its own battle of Independence.
Slavery was still alive and well in the Southern States of the United States, the backbone of their economies and wealth. Thomas Jefferson, then President of the United States, adopted a hostile stance toward Haiti. 
In 1825, the French King, Charles X, issued a decree that France would recognize Haitian Independence but only at the cost of 150 million francs to indemnify the former colonists. On July 11, 1825, the Haitian President, Jean Pierre Boyer, signed a fatal debt instrument, forced into borrowing money to pay France’s demands, or face the continued isolation of Haiti. 
The debt instrument was originally held by three nations France, Germany and the US.  It amounted to 80% of Haiti’s annual revenues and was worth, in today’s money, twenty-one billion US dollars.
It was a crippling and debilitating burden, extracted based on racism and a desire to continue to repress and exploit black people. 
The sanction was a signal to all non-whites who would aspire to be equal in the global society, that they would be severely punished for their daring ambitions to be free…  and equal.
That crippling debt that took 122 years to repay, with the final payment not made until 1947, consigning Haiti to poverty and harsh underdevelopment that endures until today.  It explains, in part, why the courageous and determined black people of Haiti, who forebears gave their lives for liberty, remain mired in distressing poverty with all its attendant ills.
Of course, the experience of the enslaved in Antigua and Barbuda and the rest of the Caribbean had similar, though not as exacting, patterns.
When slavery was abolished by the British in 1834, not one cent was paid in compensation to the enslaved people whose labour had been exploited and who had been brutalised for over two centuries.  Instead, it was their former owners who were compensated to the tune of billions of dollars, leaving behind debilitated people with little or no means of rising out of their poverty and deprivation.
Colonialism and exploitation continued for another 128 years in Antigua and the Caribbean, until 1962 when Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago became the first two countries, since Haiti, to become independent from European powers.
In those 128 years, slavery was officially ended, but exploitation of labour based on racism and imposed power continued, denying the Guianas and the Caribbean the opportunities to develop and grow, thereby placing them in their present uncompetitive disadvantage with countries in Europe, North America and parts of Asia and Latin America.
That is why today’s efforts to get reparations for slavery is a just cause.  It is not only grounded in morality; it is rooted in justice.  It is a battle from which there should never be a retreat or a surrender, however, daunting it may appear.  Irreparable damage was done, and the Caribbean’s voice must never be stilled from demanding compensation.
Returning to Haiti, assassination of its leaders did not start on July 7th this year when the life of Jovenel Moise was taken in his bedroom in the early hours of the morning, in a plot that is not yet fully revealed.  In 1915, an unpopular and brutal President, Jean Sam, was assassinated, introducing a new era of foreign occupation in Haiti – this time by the United States.
On the pretext of restoring order after Sam’s killing, US President Woodrow Wilson sent Marines into Haiti. The US remained the occupying power in Haiti for almost 20 years, during which it imposed  draconian conditions on the country, including moving all of Haiti’s financial reserves to the National City Bank of New York.  The Marines took custody of Haiti’s gold worth $13 million in today’s money, thus controlling  the Haitian Government.
Over the course of its occupation, the US installed three Presidents of Haiti, all pro-American. The last of these presidents, as like Jovenel Moise over the last two years, got rid of the legislature.   The country was run as a virtual dictatorship for 12 years. 
A US civil rights activist, James Weldon Johnson, investigated conditions in Haiti and in 1920, he published his findings, decrying "the economic corruption, forced labour, press censorship, racial segregation, and wanton violence introduced to Haiti by the U.S. occupation”.
When the US departed in 1934, Haiti was in a worse condition than when the US Marines and occupiers arrived.
The subsequent plundering of Haiti by successive autocratic leaders especially Francois Papa Doc Duvalier and his son, Jean Claude ‘baby doc’, Duvalier are well known. The deep corruption, which they started, remains a feature of Haitian government.
Underlying all considerations about Haiti must be an acknowledgement that Haiti is the poorest country in our Hemisphere.  With a population of more than 11 million, only 500,000 persons enjoy some form of permanent employment.  Ten and half million people, larger than the populations of all the other CARICOM countries, are formally unemployed.
No centre that is based on such febrile and fragile circumstances can hold.  This situation lies at the heart of social discontent in Haiti.
The Haitian people have been living on the cusp of hope for decades, and, without exaggeration, they live the reality of seeing that hope slip away every day.
The people of the bottom of the society – and that is most of them-  live in a culture of the lottery ticket. The lottery ticket offers the best hope, as they see it, to escape the poverty in which they exist and the chance to live better.
Two things need to be understood  about the present circumstances of Haiti.
First, the role of external forces in retarding the growth of the country is legion.  In this regard, both France and the United States bear special responsibilities. Their policies were rooted in racism; in the value of slavery to their economic circumstances; and the importance to them, at various times, not to let a black Republic survive, let alone become their equal among the free and sovereign states of the world.
Second, support for dictatorships in Haiti in the 20th and 21st Century contributed significantly to the failure of Haiti to rise out of its circumstances. The kleptocracy of several of the Haitian ruling regimes and the subsequent enrichment of a few, in whom wealth and political power were concentrated at the expense of the many, doomed Haiti to be a failed state.
Witness by comparison, the experience of the English-Speaking Caribbean whose first two countries only became sovereign states over the last 59 years.   In that time, five of those 12 states became ‘high income countries’ including Antigua and Barbuda; all of the others became middle-income countries.
The reasons for the growth and development of the English-Speaking Caribbean countries, in comparison to Haiti, might be identified as follows:
•           These countries inherited solid institutions of democracy which, with the very occasional deviation, they maintained.  These include free and fair elections, representative democracy, tolerance for political dissent, a free press, and an independent judicial system.
•           The educational system had a sound base in primary and secondary education, and over the last almost 6 decades, access to tertiary education became available to all; as well as the building of high-quality University education in the University of the West Indies.  It is significant that the average rate of literacy in Haiti – which is described as the ability read and write - is officially 60 per cent; by comparison on the same criteria, the average in Latin America and the Caribbean is over 90 percent.
•           Land and other property ownership in the 12 English-Speaking Caribbean countries and Suriname, on a per capita basis, is very much higher than in Haiti.
·                 Hundreds of millions of dollars have been donated to Haiti over the last five decades with little resulting improvement.
·                 It is significant that Haiti receives more grants and soft loans from several international sources than all the other 13 CARICOM countries combined.  Yet it remains abjectly poor and gravely underdeveloped.
Today, Haiti is confronting a political, constitutional and humanitarian crisis that existed before Jovenel Moise was assassinated and to which he contributed by his decision to rule by decree since January 2020.
Right now, the institutions of democracy do not exist in Haiti.  The country is plagued by marauding, well-armed gangs who are more powerful than the Police.   They rape, murder, kidnap and plunder at will. The political parties are hostile to each other, and efforts to bridge their divide have failed.
Ariel Henry who has now assumed the Office of Prime Minister may have missed an opportunity to fashion an interim broad-based government until elections can be held.  He departed from the terms of a “National Memorandum of Understanding” signed on July 9th, by many political parties and civil society actors, of which he was a part, calling for  a Government of National Accord to be formed.   Instead, Ariel Henry has announced a government which comprises 4 members from the Jovenel Moise administration.  Other Ministers are drawn from political parties that were not as hostile to Moise and his policies as others.
The political parties that were not included in the government and who were signatories with Henry to the abandoned July 9th accord, will have little or no confidence in Henry’s government as presently constituted.  In the absence of genuine talks with those parties and a real effort to reach a consensus, governing will be a real challenge.
Any attempt to hold presidential, legislative and municipal elections by September of this year, would command no confidence. The electoral machinery was handpicked and established by unilateral decree by Moise, and it is unclear what percentage of the electorate is registered to vote.  There are therefore serious questions of credibility and transparency surrounding the elections system. Fixing this problem with the broadest participation and consolation is essential to acceptance of any elections and their result.
The best solution to the Haitian political crisis is a Haitian one; not one imposed by outside. Having said that, it is also clear that talks between the stakeholders in Haiti have to be facilitated and mediated.  Who would be the best facilitators and mediators in all this is a big question. 
This bring me to the role of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) of which Haiti is a member state.  CARICOM has registered its deep concern over the grave political, constitutional, security and humanitarian crisis in which Haiti finds itself.  Heads of CARICOM governments offered CARICOM’s good offices to the Government of Haiti on several occasions over the past two years.  To date, the Government of Haiti has not accepted the offer. However, the offer remains on the table.
Despite all this, the countries of the Caribbean, owe the people of Haiti an enormous debt.  Had Haiti not overthrown slavery and established itself as the first black Republic in this hemisphere, slavery might have continued for many more decades than it did, with worse repercussions than still exists, and with many more hurdles to jump than the CARICOM region has done.
A CARICOM role is not easily identifiable, in part, because successive political directorates in Haiti, continue to have an affinity to France and a predilection to the United States; they do not encourage the depth of engagement with CARICOM countries that could help to strengthen their own bargaining position in the global community.
We in CARICOM also have to be remain vigilant for ourselves about the various modern-day forms of enslavement which include imposition of economic and financial conditions on our countries that deny our sovereignty and independence, and which benefit only those who impose these conditions upon us.  We can liberate ourselves better if we pool our Caribbean resources to do so.
We should not have thrown off physical bondage only to allow ourselves and our countries to be caught in a net of international impositions that enslave us economically.
That is why this watch night should be every night in the interest of the people of our One Caribbean, including the people of Haiti.   
Thank you.

Latest News in Pictures

Participating as a delegate from Antigua and Barbuda in the Summit of 40 Leaders on Climate, organised by us President, Joseph Biden, on 22 and 23 April 2021.  Sir Ronald second from left at top.


With the late Right Honourable Professor Owen Arthur, former Prime Minister of Barbados at his office at the Cave Hill Campus of the University of the West Indies in January 2020, talking Caribbean integration


Meeting between US Congressional Representatives, Global Banks and Caribbean government representative.  Congresswoman Maxin Waters (centre in red), Antigua and Barbuda Prime Minister Gaston Browne to her right, Sir Ronald Sanders to Prime Minister Browne's right.  Capitol Hill on November 14, 2019


Signing agreements for the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Kosovo and Antigua and Barbuda in Washington, DC on 24 July 2019.  The agreemenst were signed by the Ambassador of Antigua and Barbuda, Sir Ronald Sanders (sitting right) and the Ambassador of the Republic of Kosovo, Vlora Citaku (sitting left). Frymezin Isufaj and Joy-Dee Davis. Ministers Coundellor (standing left to right)


 Speaking at US Capitol Hill in behalf of CARICOM during Caribbean Legislative Week on 5 June 2019


Meeting Wesley Kirton Co-Chair Caribbean Studies Associaton, US, and Captain Gerry Gouveia of the Guyana Privat Sector at Antigua and Barbuda Embassy, Washington, DC on 4 June 2019


On 15 May, 2019 with the formidable US Congresswoman Maxine Waters who is Chair of the Financail Services Committee of the US House of Representatives.  I had presentred the case against de-risking, withdrawal of correspondent banking relations and blacklisting alone with CARICOM Ministers of National Security. 


 Testifying on 14th May, 2019 before the US International Trade Commission on behalf of Antigua and Barbuda and Caribbaean States on the perennial US trade surplus with the region which reached $7 Billion in 2018. 


Sir Ronald at Capitol Hill in Washington DC, talking trade and other relations between the US and CARICOM countries, especially Antigua and Barbuda, with Cingressman Brad Wenstrup (R-Cincinnati) on  27 February 2019.


Caribbean Ambassadors in Washington with US Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs. Kim Breier, at the US State Department. Sir Ronald third from right in January 2019. 


In July 2018, while in Ottawa for Antigua and Barbuda bilateral talks with Canadian government officials, Sir Ron ran into old and repected friend, Joe Clarke - former Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Canada and a great warrior in the anti-apartheid struggle.


With Ambassador Jesus Silvera of Panama, receiving a donation to the rebuilding of Barbuda, June 2018


With OAS Secretary-General, Luis Almagro, on 6 June 2018, signing the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and  Related Forms of Intolerance.  Antigua and Barbuda was the first signatory to the Convention and the second country to ratify the Convention. 

 Signing ceremony in Washington, DC of Abolition of Visa Requirements between Ukraine and Antigua and Barbuda in May 2018.  Ukraine Amnbasador (left) and Joy-Dee Davis, Minister Counsellor, Antigua and Barbuda Embassy (right) 


 With Governor-General of Canada,Her Excellency Julie Payette, at Rideau Hall in Ottawa on January 30th 2018.  In addition to beeing accredited to Canada as High Commissioner, I have the honour of sharing the distinction with this amazing former Astronaut of being a Senior Fellow at Massey College in the University of Toronto.


In Tobago after delivering feature address at The Tobago Finance week on 13 November 2017.  Photo shows, Economist Terrence Farrell, Sir Ronald, Tobago Deputy Chief Secretary Joel Jack, and Anthony Pierre, Chairman of the Caribbean Association of Chartered Accountants


 In Port-of-Spain, Trinidad speaking at the annual Conference of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Trinidad and Tobago on 9 November 2017


 Speaking at a meeting in Geneva, prior to appearnace at the World Trade Organisation on Antigua and Barbuda's contention with the US government on the WTO award to Antigua over Internet Gaming, September 2017 


 Speaking on Refugees resulting from Climate Change and the growing danger to small island states at an event organised by OXFAM in Washington, DC on 30 October 2017. (Heather Coleman, OXFAM; Sir Ronald Sanders, Antigua and Barbuda; Selwyn Hart (Barbados), Lisa Friedman, New York Times)


Sir Ronald speaking at the National Press Club in Washington DC on 12 October 2017.  He was talking about the devastation of Barbuda by Hurricane Irma and the remedies for Climate Change and Global Warming.  To his left are:  The Prime Minister of Grenada Dr Keith Mitchell, CARICOM Secretary General Irwin la Rocque and St Lucia Prime Minister Alan Chastanet


Sir Ronald speaking at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) on the security and other threats posed to the Caribbean and the Hemisphere of Climate Change and Global Warming on 13 September 2017


 Sir Ronald (third right) with senior officers of the Inter-American Defense Board in Washington, DC after discussing what assistance could be given in the clean up and rebuilding of Barbuda after Hurricane Irma (Friday, 15 September 2017)


With US Congressman, Ranking member of Committee on Foreign Affairs at Capitol Hill on 14 September, discussiing secutty matters, Hurricane Irma and Barbuda and the US-Antigua and Barbuda WTO issues.  Very helpful.


 With US Congressman Mark Meadows on Capitol Hill talking the US-Antigua and Barbuda WTO issues, and the effets of Hurricane Irma on the island of Barbuda on 12 September, 2017.  Good man. 


 Talking to the Emergency Agencies of the OAS about the impact of Hurricane Irma on the island of Barbuda and seeking assistance on 14 September 2017


Sir Ronald with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in Ottawa on 28 August 2017 discussing Canada-Antigua and Barbuda bilateral matters.


Sir Ronald with the President of Mexico, Enrique Pena Nieto, at the General Assembly of the Organisation of American States in Cancun, in June 2017


Heads of Delegations to the OAS General Assembly in Cancun.  Mexican Presdident, sixth from right, front row.  Sir Ronald fourth from right, front row.


Meeting of Consulation on the situation in Venezuela at the Organisation of American States on 31 May 2017 Sir Ronald (far right).


With Texas Congressman Randy Weber at Capitol Hill in Washington DC, talking energy, water and US-Antigua and Barbuda relations on Wednesday 5 April, 2017 



With my colleague Argentine Ambassador to the OAS, Juan Jose Acuri (right) and the Argentina candidate for election to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rigjts Dr Carlos de Casas on 29 March 2016


 At the International Monetary Fund with Exceutive Director for Canada and the Caribbean, Nancy Horsman, to discuss Antigua and Barbuda matters.


At the Antigua and Barbuda Embassy receiving Antonia Urrejola, the candidate of Chile for the Inter American Commission on Human Rights, on 23 March 2017 


 With the Mexican Candidate for the Inter American Commission on Human Rights, Joel Hernadez Garcia, on 21 March 2017


 At the World Bank on20 March 2017 meeting Christine Hogan, the Executive Director for Canada and the Caribbean, to talk about Antigua and Barbuda matters.


With Joe Barton, US Congressman from the State of Texas in his Office on Capitol Hill on Thursday, 16 March 2017 discussing US-Antigua and Barbuda relations


Hosting a meeting at the Antigua and Barbuda Embassy in Washington, DC of diplomatic representatives of St Lucia (Ambassador Anton Edmunds, St Kitts-Nevis Ambassador Thelma Phillip-Browne and St Vincent Deputy Chief of Mission Omari Williams)


Meeting the Cuban Ambassador to the United States, Jose Cabanas Rodriguez at the Antigua and Barbuda Embassy on Tuesday, 21st February, 2017


With the Ambassador of Ecudaor to the United States, Francisco Borja Cevallos, talking Ecuador-Antigua and Barbuda relations on 13 February 2017


 With US Congressman Gus Bilikakis (Dem,Fl) for talls on Caiptol Hill in Washington


With Charlie Crist, US Congressman (Dem, Fl) for discussions on US-Antigua and Barbuda matters


 With US Senator Jeff Duncan, Chair Foreign Relations Committee talking energy and Citizenship by Investement Programmes in the Caribbean


 With Professor Louis Gates Jr at the Smithsonian National Musuem of African American History in Washington, DC after an evening of enlightening presentations on the neglected story of the building of the US 

All posts...

Election for the post of Commonwealth Secretary-General

Sir Ronald was a candidate for election to the post of Commonwealth Secretary-General In November 2015 at the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in Malta. View further details here.

Portrait of Sir Ronald Sanders

Sir Ronald Sanders is currently Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States and the Organisation of American States.


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I invite responses to my writings, and inquiries about the experience and knowledge I can bring to achieving the objectives of companies and organizations that do business related to the Caribbean and the Commonwealth.

Kind regards

Ronald Sanders